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For 2017, the Republican budget honors the bipartisan budget agreement by assuming $519 billion for non-defense appropriations. But for 2018 and beyond, the budget slashes NDD funding to preposterously low levels – freezing it at $472 billion for each year, with no adjustment for inflation or population growth. This means that for 2018, the budget cuts NDD by more than twice the amount of the already-deep sequester cut. By 2026, the NDD cut is five times larger than the cut under the austerity-level sequester.

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For 2018 through 2026, the Republican budget cuts $887 billion below the already-low NDD levels set under current law, and more than $1 trillion below the amounts in the President’s budget. NDD funding supports a wide variety of services and programs, such as research at the National Institutes of Health, food assistance provided through WIC, veterans’ health care, and job training. Instead of finding a reasonable path forward to fund the nation’s top priorities, this budget slashes funding to unrealistic levels, shortchanging investment and economic growth to reach arbitrary deficit targets.

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The Affordable Care Act became law in 2010 and gradually took effect over the next several years. Health insurance premiums for the individual and small group markets grew at slower rates for the years just after the ACA became law than in the years just before it became law. 

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The Congressional Budget Office has made substantial downward revisions to its health spending projections since the Affordable Care Act became law. Under CBO’s latest projections, combined spending in 2020 for Medicare, Medicaid, and the Affordable Care Act coverage expansion will be less than CBO projected for that year back in January 2010 for Medicare and Medicaid alone.  

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Spending through the tax code, called “tax expenditures,” represents a huge share of our governments spending. The $1.5 trillion in tax expenditures each year is more than the government spends on Medicare and Medicaid, more than it spends on all of Social Security, and even more than all defense and non-defense discretionary spending combined. 

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Many of these tax expenditures are special interest loopholes that benefit only the wealthy and well-connected, and according to the Congressional Budget Office, 17% of the entire cost of tax expenditures goes to households in the top 1%. Yet Republicans have failed to close a single special-interest tax loophole in order to reduce the deficit.

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In the past two decades, CEO compensation skyrocketed even as most workers’ wages remained stagnant.  For many years, CEO compensation was only 20-to-30 times the size of the average worker, but today, the average CEO at America’s largest firms earns over 300-times what average workers make. 

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The Congressional Budget Office projects that 73% of Medicaid spending in 2015 will be attributable to children, seniors, and people with disabilities. While seniors and people with disabilities make up one-fifth of the Medicaid’s enrollees, they will account for slightly more than half of all spending. In part, this is because seniors and people with disabilities have complex medical problems and rely on the program to cover their expensive long-term care costs including nursing home care. 

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Despite Republican claims, it is simply not true that non-health related assistance provided to low-income Americans plays a significant role in creating unsustainable long-term fiscal imbalances.  While spending for mandatory programs in this category did increase during the economic downturn, as designed to automatically provide additional assistance as need rises, this spending is now on a downward trend relative to the size of the economy.